| dc.description.abstract | The term informal land delivery processes or simplistically referred to as ‘squatting’ are not new terms, they have been in existence for a long time; however very little in – depth research have been done to understanding exactly how they function – the relationship between the institutions (rules and social norms) and actors involved. Most studies on informal settlements have traditionally centered on how to deal with the “housing problem” in developing countries. The main strategy of this research not centred on how to deal with the “housing problem” but rather (re)search reasons responsible for the existence of this problem in the first place. Hence, rather than explaining (limited to looking at the ends), this research aims at describing the means – the causes and the social mechanisms through which urban poverty persists, especially those that fall beyond narrow income – consumption concerns, or individual entitlements mediated by legal and market systems (Mosse, 2010; Gore, 1993; Kabeer, 1994; Green and Hulme, 2005). The main focus therefore is to understand the process of formation and development of three specific squatter settlements in the context of Kathmandu, the capital city of Nepal, one of the least developed countries in South Asia.
The research takes Marx’s ontology and his conception of method within a relational perspective as a starting point in order to address core issues of inequalities following the path of Burgess (1977; 1997; etc) and other neo Marxists. Network analysis is used as a primary basis for understanding the relationship between elements (which in this case are households) that form the totality (squatter settlements). Furthermore, concept of relational social capital is also used to analyze the positions and structures within this totality. The research adopts a qualitative, case study method where the three specific squatter settlements are the main case study areas and households are the embedded units of analysis (i.e. the cases). Out of 53 squatter settlements within Kathmandu Valley, three case study areas are selected for this research. In terms of the main unit of analysis – the households, a number of diverse cases from each of the different category of households within the owners and renter/tenants were selected. The empirical data for this research was generated over a period of approximately 8 months divided into three main research fieldwork phases. This PhD thesis is based on four main Appended Articles, each compiled at the end of three subsequent research fieldwork phases.
This research is based on three main theoretical perspectives each discussed in the four main articles: informal land delivery processes (Articles I and II); social capital (Article III) and governance/planning in the global south (insurgent planning practices) (Articles IV). Through this literature review (which is the basis for the Supplementary Articles), the researcher found gaps in terms of the influence of global housing policies in developing countries. This gap was addressed within the perspective of informal land delivery processes (more specifically in Articles II) in which the critiques of three mainstream global housing policy recommendations (Turner, De Soto and Putnam) are taken further. As a continuation of this, the theoretical basis for Article III was a critique of Putnam’s definition of social capital as well as arguments supporting the need for a relational perspective in order to analysis of the formation and development of the three specific squatter settlements. Lastly, the theoretical perspective of insurgent planning practices in Article IV was a context-driven perspective as a result of eviction of a riverside squatter settlement during the research process.
Some of the key findings from this research reveals that process of access to land both during the formation as well as development of each of these three squatter settlements were hinged on a vertical, client – patron type of relationship with the local governments and non- government organizations. The process of initial access to land and temporary housing units (formation) begins with the pioneer/starter household heads mobilizing their networks to yield the return of initial access to land and building temporary housing units. Whereas the development/consolidation process (maintaining access to land) begins with collective action where the starter/pioneer households secure and strengthen the initial access to land by collecting or bringing together other owner types of households such as consolidators and eventually renter/tenant types of households. This process is further consolidated through the arrival of ‘formal’ infrastructure which in all these three case study areas was through the support of a local NGO and was later also backed by the local governments. The analysis also illustrates the heterogeneity in terms of the household types and the specific types of land occupied by each of the squatter settlements (either marginal or alienated).
Furthermore, key findings directed more towards the role of networks during the formation and development of these three squatter settlements reveal that “dark-side” of the concept of social capital. One of the main critiques of social capital is that it fails to address issues of inequalities at the initial phase of access within the network of social capital. Through the above illustration of the process of gaining access to land by households, one can clearly examine that social capital is only beneficial to those households who have preexisting network resources and locations; hence creating structural inequalities. Therefore being able to gain access to the various network resources is already an achievement for the owner type of households (starter/pioneer and consolidators) within each of the three squatter settlements. The findings also reveal the exclusion of more vulnerable groups through the rise of two distinct settlement types – open and closed networks after the development process. Two of the case study areas show signs of being closed-network types of settlements where entry is restricted as a result both of these settlements primarily comprise of starter/pioneer; old and intermediate consolidator households. Whereas one of the case study areas which also has a large number of renter/tenant households follows the path of an open-network type of settlement with no entry restrictions for new-consolidator or renter/tenant households.
Without a relational perspective, understanding the process of formation and development of these three squatter settlements in the above manner would not have been possible. Overall, this PhD research illustrates the strength and value of Marx’s ontology within a relational perspective for understanding the formation and development of three specific squatter settlements in Kathmandu, Nepal. In addition, the research also highlights the significance of critical Marxist analysis specifically in the context of planning research which is still relevant in this age of neoliberal hegemony. | nb_NO |
